Jan Lokpal Bill is very regressive: Arundhati Roy

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/jan-lokpal-bill-is-very-regressive-arundhati-roy/179990-3.html

Sagarika Ghose, CNN-IBN
Updated Aug 31, 2011 at 12:07am IST

In an exclusive interview, writer Arundhati Roy said there are serious concerns about the Jan Lokpal Bill, corporate funding, NGOs and even the role of the media.

Sagarika Ghose: Hello and welcome to the CNN-IBN special. The Anna Hazare anti-corruption movement has thrown up multiple voices. Many have been supportive of the movement, but there have been some who have been sceptical and raised doubts about the movement as well. One of these sceptical voices is writer Arundhati Roy who now joins us. Thanks very much indeed for joining us. In your article in 'The Hindu' published on August 21, entitled 'I'd rather not be Anna', you've raised many doubts about the Anna Hazare campaign. Now that the movement is over and the crowds have come and we've seen the massive size of those crowds, do you continue to be sceptical? And if so, why?
Arundhati Roy: Well, it's interesting that everybody seems to have gone away happy and everybody is claiming a massive victory. I'm kind of happy too, relieved I would say, mostly because I'm extremely glad that the Jan Lokpal Bill didn't go through Parliament in its current form. Yes, I continue to be sceptical for a whole number of reasons. Primary among them is the legislation itself, which I think is a pretty dangerous piece of work. So what you had was this very general mobilisation about corruption, using people's anger, very real and valid anger against the system to push through this very specific legislation or to attempt to push through this very specific piece of legislation which is very, very regressive according to me. But my scepticism ranges through a whole host of issues which has to do with history, politics, culture, symbolism, all of it made me extremely uncomfortable. I also thought that it had the potential to turn from something inclusive of what was being marketed and touted and being inclusive to something very divisive and dangerous. So I'm quite happy that it's over for now.
Sagarika Ghose: Just to come back to your article. You said that Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia have received $ 400,000 from the Ford foundation. That was one of the reasons that you were sceptical about this movement. Why did you make it a point to put in the fact that Arvind Kejriwal is funded by the Ford foundation.
Arundhati Roy: Just in order to point to the fact, a short article can just indicate the fact that it is in some way an NGO driven movement by Kiran Bedi, Arvind Kejriwal, Sisodia, all these people run NGOs. Three of the core members are Magsaysay award winners which are endowed by Ford foundation and Feller. I wanted to point to the fact that what is it about these NGOs funded by World Bank and Bank of Ford, why are they participating in sort of mediating what public policy should be? I actually went to the World Bank site recently and found that the World Bank runs 600 anti-corruption programmes just in places like Africa. Why is the World Bank interested in anti-corruption? I looked at five of the major points they made and I thought it was remarkable if you let me read them out:
1) Increasing political accountability
2) Strengthening civil society participation
3) Creating a competitive private sector
4) Instituting restraints on power
5) Improving public sector management
So, it explained to me why in the World Bank, Ford foundation, these people are all involved in increasing the penetration of international capital and so it explains why at a time when we are also worried about corruption, the major parts of what corruption meant in terms of corporate corruption, in terms of how NGOs and corporations are taking over the traditional functions of the government, but that whole thing was left out, but this is copy book World Bank agenda. They may not have meant it, but that's what's going on and it worries me a lot. Certainly Anna Hazare was picked up and propped up a sort of saint of the masses, but he wasn't driving the movement, he wasn't the brains behind the movement. I think this is something very pertinent that we really need to worry about.
Sagarika Ghose: So you don't see this as a genuine people's movement. You see it as a movement led by rich NGOs, funded by the World Bank to make India more welcoming of international capital?
Arundhati Roy: Well, I mean they are not funded by the World Bank, the Ford foundation is a separate thing. But just that I wouldn't have been this uncomfortable if I saw it as a movement that took into account the anger from the 2G Scam, from the Bellary mining, from CWG and then said 'Let's take a good look at who is corrupt, what are the forces behind it', but no, this fits in to a certain kind of template altogether and that worries me. It's not that I'm saying they are corrupt or anything, but I just find it worrying. It's not the same thing as the Narmada movement, it's the same thing as a people's movement that's risen from the bottom. It's very much something that, surely lots of people joined it, all of them were not BJP, all of them were not middle-class, many of them came to a sort of reality show that was orchestrated by even a very campaigning media, but what was this bill about? This bill was very, very worrying to me.
Sagarika Ghose: We'll come to the bill in just a bit but before that I want to bring in another controversial statement in your article which has sparked a great deal of controversy among even your old associates Medha Patkar and Prashant Bhushan, where you said, 'Both the Maoists and Jan Lokpal Movement have one thing in common, they both seek the overthrow of the Indian state.' Why do you believe that the movement for the Jan Lokpal Bill is similar to the Maoist movement in seeking the overthrow of the Indian state?
Arundhati Roy: Well, let's separate the movement from the bill, as I said that I don't even believe that most people knew exactly what the provisions of the bill were, those who were part of the movement, very few in the media and on the ground. But if you study that bill carefully, you see the creation of a parallel oligarchy. You see that the Jan Lokpal itself, the ten people, the bench plus the chairman, they are selected by a pool of very elite people and they are elite people, I mean if you look at one of the phases which says the search committee, the committee which is going to shortlist the names of the people who will be chosen for the Jan Lokpal will shortlist from eminent individuals of such class of people whom they deem fit. So you create this panel from this pool, and then you have a bureaucracy which has policing powers, the power to tap your phones, the power to prosecute, the power to transfer, the power to judge, the power to do things which are really, and from the Prime Minister down to the bottom, it's really like a parallel power, which has lost the accountability, whatever little accountability a representative government might have, but I'm not one of those who is critiquing it from the point of view of say someone like Aruna Roy, who has a less draconian version of the bill, I'm talking about it from a different point of view altogether of firstly, the fact that we need to define what do we mean by corruption, and then what does it mean to those who are disempowered and disenfranchised to get two oligarchies instead of one raiding over them.
Sagarika Ghose: So do you believe that the leaders of this movement were misleading the crowds who came for the protest because they were not there simply as an anti-corruption movement, they were there to campaign for the Jan Lokpal Bill and if people knew what the Jan Lokpal Bill was all about, in your opinion, setting up this huge bureaucratic monster, many of those people might well have not come for the movement, so do you feel that the leaders were misleading the people?
Arundhati Roy: I can't say that they were deliberately misleading people because of course, that bill on the net, if anybody wanted to read it could read it. So I can't say that. But I think that the anger about corruption became so widespread and generalised that nobody looked at what, there was a sort of dissonance between the specific legislation and the anger that was bringing people there. So, you have a situation in which you have this powerful oligarchy with the powers of prosecution surveillance, policing. In the bill there's a small section which says budget, and the budget is 0.25 per cent of the Government of India's revenues, that works out to something like Rs 2000 crore. There's no break up, nobody is saying how many people will be employed, how are they going to be chosen so that they are not corrupt, you know, it's a sketch, it's a pretty terrifying sketch. It's not even a realised piece of legislation. I think that, in a way the best thing that could have happened has happened that you have the bill and you have other versions of the bill and you have the time to now look at it and see whatever, I just want to keep saying that I'm not, my position in all this is not to say we need policing and better law. I'm a person who's asking and has asked for many years for fundamental questions about injustice, which is why I keep saying let's talk about what we mean by corruption.
Sagarika Ghose: And you believe that the reason why this movement is misconceived is because it's centered around this Jan Lokpal Bill?
Arundhati Roy: Yes, not just that, I think centrally, that I was saying earlier, can we discuss what we mean by corruption. Is it just financial irregularity or is it the currency of social transaction in a very unequal society? So if you can give me 2 minutes, I'll tell you what I mean. For example, corruption, some people, poor people in villages have to pay bribes to get their ration cards, to get their NREGA dues from very powerful vested interests. Then you a middleclass, you have honest businessmen who cannot run an honest business because of all sorts of reasons, they are out there angry. You have a middleclass which actually bribes to buy itself scarce favours and on the top you have the corporations, the politicians looting millions and mines and so on. But you also have a huge number of people who are outside the legal framework because they don't have pattas, they live in slums, they don't have legal housing, they are selling their wares on redis, so they are illegal and in an anti-corruption law, an anti-corruption law is naturally sort of pinned to an accepted legality. So you can talk about the rule of law when all your laws are designed to perpetuate the inequality that exists in Indian society. If you're not going to question that, I'm really not someone who is that interested in the debate then.
Sagarika Ghose: So fundamentally it's about service delivery to the poorest of the poor, it's about ensuring justice to the poorest of the poor, without that a whole bureaucratic infrastructure is meaningless?
Arundhati Roy: Well Yes, but you know as I said in my article, supposing you're selling your samosas on a 'rehdi' (cart) in a city where only malls are legal, then you pay the local policemen, are you going to have to now pay to the Lokpal too? You know corruption is a very complicated issue.
Sagarika Ghose: But what about the provisions for the lower bureaucracy. The lower bureaucracy is going to be brought into the Lokpal, they're going to have a state level Lokayukta, so there is an attempt within the Lokpal Bill to go right down to the level of the poorest of the poor and then you can police even those functionaries who deal with the very poor. So don't you have hope that there, at least, it could be regularised because of this bill?
Arundhati Roy: I think that part of the bill will be interesting, I think it's very complicated because the troubles that are besetting our country today are not going to be solved by policing and by complaint booths alone. But, at the lower level, I think we have to come up with something where you can assure people that you're not going to set up another bureaucracy which is going to be equally corrupt. When you have one brother in BJP, one brother in Congress, one brother in police, one brother in Lokpal, I would like to see how that's going to be managed, this law is very sketchy about that.
Sagarika Ghose: But just to come back to the movement again, don't you think that the political class has become corrupt and has become venal and you have a movement like this it does function as a wake up call?
Arundhati Roy: To some extent yes, but I think by focusing on the political class and leaving out the corporations, the media that they own, the NGOs that are taking over, governmental functions like health, you know corporates are now dealing with what government used to deal with. Why are they left out? So I think a much more comprehensive view would have made me comfortable even though I keep saying that for me the real issue is what is it that has created a society in which 830 million people live on less than Rs 20 a day and you have more people and all of the poor countries of Africa put together.
Sagarika Ghose: So basically what you're saying is that laws are not the way to tackle corruption and to tackle injustice. It's not through laws, it's not through legal means, we have to do it through much more decentralisation of power, much more outreach at the lowest level?
Arundhati Roy: I think first you have to question the structure. You see if there is a structural inequality happening, and you are not questioning that, and you're in fact fighting for laws that make that structural inequality more official, we have a problem. To give an example, I was just on the Chhattisgarh-Andhra Pradesh border where the refugees from Operation Greenhunt have come out and underneath. So for them the issue is not whether Tata gave a bribe on his mining or Vedanta didn't give a bribe in his mining. The problem is that there is a huge problem in terms of how the mineral and water and forest wealth of India is being privatised, is being looted, even if it were non corrupt, there is a problem. So that's why we're just not coolly talking about Dantewada, there are many a places I mean what's happening in Posco, in Kalinganagar . So this is not battles against corruption. There's something very, very serious going on. None of these issues were raised or even alluded to somehow.
Sagarika Ghose: So basically what you're saying is that it is not the battle against corruption which is the primary battle, it's the battle for justice that has to be the primary battle in India. Just to come back to the point about the law, many have said that this is a process of pre-legislative consultation, that all over the world now civil society groups, I know you don't like that word, are co-operating with the government in law making and a movement like this institutionalises that, institutionalises civil society groups coming into the law making process. Doesn't that make you hopeful about this movement?
Arundhati Roy: In principal, yes, but when a movement like this which has been constructed in the way that it has, you can talk about, sort of calls itself the people or civil society and says that it's representing all of civil society. I would say there's a problem there and it depends on the law. So right now I think the good thing that has happened is that the Jan Lokpal Bill which probably has some provisions that will make it into the final law, is one of the many bills that will be debated. So, yes, that's a good thing. But if it had just gone through in this way, I wouldn't be saying yes, that's a good thing.
Sagarika Ghose: Let's talk about the media. You've been very critical about the media and the way the media, particularly broadcast media has covered this movement, do you believe that if the media had not given it this kind of time, this movement simply wouldn't have taken off? Do you believe that it's a media manufactured movement?
Arundhati Roy: Well, I'm not going to say that's entirely media manufactured. I think that was one of the big factors in it. There was also mobilisation from the BJP and the RSS, which they've admitted to. I think the media, I don't know when before campaigned for something in this way where every other kind of news was pushed out and for ten days, you had only this news. In this nation of one billion people, the media didn't find anything else to report and it campaigned, not everybody, but certainly certain major television channels campaigned and said they were campaigning, they said, 'We're the channel through whom Anna speaks to the people and so on. Now firstly to me that's a form of corruption in the first place where presumably, a broadcast licence as a news channel has to do with reporting news, not campaigning. But even if you are campaigning and the only reason that everybody was reporting it was TRP ratings, then why not just settle for pornography or sadomasochism or whatever gives good TRP ratings. How can news channels just abandon every other piece of news and just concentrate on this for 10 days? You know how much of spot ad costs on TV, what kind of a price would you put on this? Why was it doing this? Per se if media campaigns had to do with social justice, if the media spent 10 days campaigning on why more than a lakh farmers have committed suicide in this country, I'd be glad because I would say okay, this is the job of the media. It is like the old saying - to afflict the comfortable and comfort the afflicted.
Sagarika Ghose: But don't you think one man taking on the might of the government is a big story and don't you think that that deserves to be covered?
Arundhati Roy: No, I don't. For all the sorts of reasons that I've said, it was one man trying to push through a regressive piece of legislation.
Sagarika Ghose: Let's come to the role of the RSS which you have also eluded to. You've spoken about the role of aggressive nationalism or Vande Mataram being chanted, of the RSS saying that we're involved in this particular movement, but then your old associates Prashant Bhushan and Medha Patkar are in this movement as well. Is it fair to completely dub this movement as an RSS Hindu right wing movement?
Arundhati Roy: I haven't done that though some people have. But I think it's an interesting question to talk about symbolism and this movement. For example, what is the history of Vande Mataram? Vande Mataram first occurred in this book by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee in 1882, it became a part of a sort of war cry at the time of partition of Bengal and since then, since in 1937 Tagore said it's a very unsuitable national anthem, very divisive, it's got a long communal history. So what does it mean when huge crowds are chanting that? When you take up the national flag, when you're fighting colonialism, it means one thing. When you're a supposedly free nation that national flag is always about exclusion and not inclusion. You took up that flag and the state was paralysed. A state which is not scared of slaughtering people in the dark, suddenly was paralysed. You talk about the fact that it was a non violent movement, yes, because the police were disarmed. They just were too scared to do anything. You had Bharat Mata's photo first and then it was replaced by Gandhi. You had people who were openly part of the Manovadi Krantikari Aandolan there. So you have this cocktail of very dangerous things going on, you had other kinds of symbolism. Imagine Gandhi going to a private hospital after his fast. A private hospital that symbolises the withdrawal of the state from healthcare for the poor. A private hospital where the doctors charge a lakh every time they inhale and exhale. The symbolisms were dangerous and if this movement had not ended in this way, it could have turned extremely dangerous. What you had was a lot of people, I'm not going to say they were only RSS, I'm not going to say they were only middle-class, I'm not going to say they were only urban. But yes, they were largely more well off than most people who have been struggling on the streets and facing bullets in this country for a long time. But in some odd way the victims and the perpetrators of corruption of the recipients of the fruits of modern development, they were all there together. There were contradictions that could not have been held together for much longer without them just tearing apart.
Sagarika Ghose: But weren't you impressed by the sheer size of the crowd? Weren't you impressed by the spontaneity of the crowd? The fact that people came out, they voiced their anger, they voiced their protest, surely it can't just all be boxed into one shade of opinion.
Arundhati Roy: Should I tell you something Sagarika? I have seen much larger crowds in Kashmir. I have seen much larger crowds even in Delhi. Nobody reported them. They were then only called 'traffic jam bana diya inhone'. I was not impressed by the size of the crowds apart from the fact that I'm not that kind of a person. I'm sure there were larger crowds chanting for the demolition of the Babri Masjid, would that be fine by us? It's not about numbers.
Sagarika Ghose: Is that how you see this movement? You see it as a kind of Ram Janmabhoomi Part 2?
Arundhati Roy: No, not at all. I've said what I feel. That would be stupid for me to say. But I see it as something potentially quite worrying, quite dangerous. So I think we all need to go back and think a lot about what was going on there and not come to easy conclusions and easy condemnations, I think we really need to think about what was going on there, how it was caused, how it happened, what are the good things, what are the bad things, some serious thinking. But certainly I'm not the kind of person who just goes and gets impressed by a crowd regardless of what it's saying, regardless of what it's chanting, regardless of what it's asking for.
Sagarika Ghose: But what about the persona of Anna Hazare? Many would say that he evoked a certain different era, he evoked the era of the freedom struggle, he is a simple Gandhian, he does lead a very austere life, he lives in a small room behind a temple and his persona of what he is evokes a certain moral power perhaps which is needed in an India which is facing a moral crisis.
Arundhati Roy: I think Anna Hazare was a sort of empty vessel in which you could pour whatever meaning you wanted to pour in, unlike someone like Gandhi who was very much his own man on the stage of the world. Anna Hazare certainly is his own man in his village, but here he was not in charge of what was going on. That was very evident. As for who he is and what his affiliations and antecedents have been, again I'm worried.
Sagarika Ghose: Why are you worried?
Arundhati Roy: Some of things that one has read and found out about, his attitude towards Harijans, that every village must have one 'chamaar' and one 'sunaar' and one 'kumhaar', that's gandhian in some ways, you know Gandhi had this very complicated and very problematic attitude to the caste system, anyone who knows about the debates between Gandhi and Ambedkar will tell you that. But what I'm saying is eventually we live in a very complicated society. You have a strong left edition which doesn't know what to do with the caste system. You have the Gandhians who are also very odd about the caste system. You have our deeply frightening communal politics, you have this whole new era of new liberalism and the penetration of international capital. This movement just did not know the beginning of its morals. It could have ended badly because nobody really, you know, you choose something like corruption, it's a pot into which everyone can piss, anti-left, pro-left, right, I mean, I was in Hyderabad, Jagan Mohan Reddy who was at that time being raided by the CBI was one of his great supporters. Naveen Patnaik…
Sagarika Ghose: But isn't that its strength? It's an inclusive agenda. Anti-corruption movement brings people in.
Arundhati Roy: It's a meaningless thing when you have highly corrupt corporations funding an anti-corruption movement, what does this mean? And trying to set up an oligarchy which actually neatens the messy business of democracy and representative democracy however bad it is. Certainly it's a comment on the fact that our country suffering from a failure of representative democracy, people don't believe that their politicians really represent them anymore, there isn't a single democratic institution that is accessible to ordinary people. So what you have is a solution which isn't going to address the problem.
Sagarika Ghose: So a corporate funded movement which seeks to lessen the power of the democratic state and seeks to reduce the power of the democratic state?
Arundhati Roy: I would say that this bill would increase the possibilities of the penetration of international capital which has led to a huge crisis in the first place in this country.
Sagarika Ghose: Just on a different note, what do you think of the fast-unto-death? Many have criticised it as a 'Brahamastra' which shouldn't be easily deployed in political agitations, Gandhi used it only as a last resort. What is your view of the hunger strike or the fast-unto-death?
Arundhati Roy: Look the whole world is full of people who are killing themselves, who are threatening to kill themselves in different ways. From a suicide bomber to the people who are immolating themselves on Telangana and all that. Frankly, I'm not one of those people who's going to stand and give a lecture about the constitutionality of resistance because I'm not that person. For me it's about what are you doing it for. That's my real question - what are you doing it for? Who are you doing it for? And why are you doing it? Other than that I think I personally believe that there are things going on in this world that you really need to stand up and resist in whatever way you can. But I'm not interested in a fast-unto-death for the Jan Lokpal Bill frankly.
Sagarika Ghose: So what is your solution then. How would you fight corruption?
Arundhati Roy: Sagarika, I'm telling you that corruption is not my big issue right now. I'm not a reformist person who will tell you how to cleanse the Indian state. I'm going on and on in all the 10 years that I've written about nuclear powers, about nuclear bombs, about big dams, about this particular model of development, about displacement, about land acquisition, about mining, about privatisation, these are the things I want to talk about. I'm not the doctor to tell the Indian state how to improve itself.
Sagarika Ghose: So corruption really does not concern you in that sense?
Arundhati Roy: No, it does, but not in this narrow way. I'm concerned about the absolutely disgusting inequality in the society that we live in.
Sagarika Ghose: And this movement has done nothing to touch that. What precedents has it set for protest movements in the future? Do you think this movement has set a precedent for protest movements in the future?
Arundhati Roy: For protest movements of the powerful, protests movements where the media is on your side, protests movements where the government is scared of you, protest movements where the police disarm themselves, how many movements are there going to be like that? I don't know. While you're talking about this, the army is getting ready to move into Central India to fight the poorest people in this country, and I can tell you they are not disarmed. So, I don't know what lessons you can draw from a protest movement that has privileges that no other protest movement I've ever known has had.
Sagarika Ghose: Just to re-emphasise the point about Medha Patkar and Prashant Bhushan, these are old time associates of yours in activism. They are deeply involved in this particular movement. How do you react to them being involved in this movement of which, you're so critical?
Arundhati Roy: With some dismay because Prashant is a very close friend of mine and I respect Medha a lot, but I think that their credibility has been cashed in on in some ways, but I feel bad that they are part of it.
Sagarika Ghose: You have voiced fears in your article as well that in some ways, this movement and this bill is an attempt to diminish the powers of the democratic government and to reduce the discretionary powers of the democratic government. So you feel that this is a corporate funded exercise to reduce the powers of the democratically elected government?
Arundhati Roy: Well not corporate funded, but there's a sort of IMF World Bank way of looking at it, fuelling this whole path because if you remember in the early 90s when they began on this path of liberalisation and privatisation. The government itself kept saying, 'Oh, we're so corrupt. We need a systemic change, we can't not be corrupt,' and that systemic change was privatisation. When privatisation has shown itself to be more corrupt than, I mean the levels of corruption have jumped so high, the solution is not systemic. It's either moral or it's more privatisation, more reforms. People are calling for the second round of reforms for the removal of the discretionary powers of the government. So I think that's a very interesting that you're not looking at it structurally, you're looking at it morally and you're trying to push whatever few controls there are or took the way once again for the penetration of international capital.
Sagarika Ghose: But people like Nandan Nilekani have argued this movement and this bill could stop reforms actually. It could actually put an end to the reforms process by instituting this big bureaucratic infrastructure - this inspector raj. But you don't go along with that. You believe that this is a way of taking the reforms agenda forward.
Arundhati Roy: I think it depends on who captures that bureaucracy. That's why I'm worried about this combination of sort of Ford funded NGO world and the RSS and that sort of world coming together in a kind of crossroads. Those two things are very frightening because you create a bureaucracy which can then be controlled, which has Rs 2000 crore or whatever, 0.25 per cent of the revenues of the Government of India at its disposal, policing powers, all of this. So it's a way of side-stepping the messy business of democracy.
Sagarika Ghose: That's interesting the combination of Ford funded NGOs, rich NGOs and the Hindu mass organisations. That's the combination that you see here and that's what makes you uneasy.
Arundhati Roy: yes, and when you look at the World Bank agenda, it's 600 anti-corruption plans and projects and what it says, what it believes, then it just becomes as clear as day what's going on here.
Sagarika Ghose: And what is going on, just to push you on that one?
Arundhati Roy: What I said, that you stop concentrating on the corruption of government officers when you know of governments, politicians, and leaving out the huge corporate world, the media, the NGOs who have taken over traditional government functions of electricity, water, mining, health, all of that. Why concentrate on this and not on that? I think that's a very, very big problem.
Sagarika Ghose: So it was a protest movement of the entitled and the protest movement of the privileged. Arundhati Roy thanks very much indeed for joining us.
(Follow IBNLive.com on Facebook and on Twitter for updates that you can share with your friends.)

#Face the Nation #Arundhati Roy #Anna Hazare movement #Jan Lokpal Bill

Comments (4)

All comments will be published after moderation

from Prakash Venkatraman at 09:40, Aug 31, 2011

A very good eye-opener for the blind supporters of "Janlokpal" movement. As a common man these type of movements doesn't matter much. As long as there is mutual understanding/acceptance between the persons paying that"extra" and the persons receiving it, one cannot do anything. It depends upon the attitude of every common man. Tks/-

Reply | Offensive

from Debananda Bera at 09:02, Aug 31, 2011

Perfect.. At least there is one person who analyzed the matter with practical mind and spoke out in public. Keep it up Arundhati and help the emotional people of this country to be more practical and matured.

Reply | Offensive

from baijuachuthan at 04:47, Aug 31, 2011

Some tries to be skeptical, some comes up with solutions. Few try to sell their stories, few have the heart to live for others. I support Anna for his intentions to remove corruption, but if it deviates from its purpose, its not annas fault. I am a person who strongly believe in every problem has a solution. Like corruption several other issues needs to be debated, and come up with solution. Baiju Achuthan

Reply | Offensive

from jobin01 at 03:16, Aug 31, 2011

The points raised by Arundati Roy are very impotant.We should think for what we are figting.As we think our democracy is not representing us and we move for a system where committee of powerful persons will be formed and even prime minister also accountable to them,then we are going from frying pan to burning pan.Agencies like IMF,world bank and big corporates will start to handle things through this committee.They will diminish the Government controls and make a way for pushing more and more capitals.This will increase inequality,infaltion and thing such as mining for the maximum exploitation of the natural resources.And we will lose whatever small power presently we have in democratic system.This big agenda of world powers are now being successfully carried out in different manner in countries such as Egypt,Libiya,Yeman,Tunisia and Siria.But we have wise people like Arundati Roy who oversee things and see the danger and hidden agenda.

Jan Lokpal- A Swayed Reality

Jan Lokpal- A Swayed Reality

India, the largest democracy in the world, ends up again and again electing feudal politicians, criminals as their Representatives who in turn suffocate their electorate with their acts of corruption. If not elect them at least perpetuate them as its potential leaders. So, one wonders! Why the country have to decry corruption. Sure, the same corrupt leaders irrespective of their parties will be elected if not this time, next time. So, is this act of agitation a logical one? India fights against an evil that it perpetuates.

For the past few days (months), in the country there has been an inflation of crowds, at Ramlila grounds in Delhi and at certain other parts of the country agitating in support of Anna Hazare to pass Jan Lokpal bill as a law. It's been construed as popular demand. Surely, a demand not by people but by mobs who are hysterical. Mobs really don’t represent public opinion. It is interesting to note while in some parts of country people rage against corruption, in another part of the country, in Andhra Pradesh Mr. Y. S.Jagan Mohan Reddy, son of Former Chief Minister, Y. S. Rajashekar Reddy (late), in spite of he being an accused in large scale corruption, won as Member of Parliament in the recent bye election with a record majority of more than 5 lac votes. Even, as CBI investigation is on against his illegal appropriation of wealth, crowds are thronging for his political meetings and more so 29 MLAs and 2 MPs resigned in support of him, decrying a foul play, when Andhra Pradesh High Court instructed CBI to inquire into his amassing of wealth. How do we understand this phenomenon? Are those fighting against corruption are really against corruption? Answer would be no. The mob follow up is just because of their convenient subjective reasons. Here while the subjectivity of middle class Hindutva force is masked, the cause of anti- corruption is on the surface. The movement is led by Right wing groups, though denied(BJP to launch nationwide stir on August 25, The Hindu, 21/08/11; RSS lending support to Anna's campaign?, http://ibnlive.in.com/news/rss-lending-support-to-annas-campaign/177467-3.html) to come back to power to alter and curtail constitutional privileges and rights of citizens and set in Manu influenced anarchy. How, spiritual gurus like Baba Ramdev and Ravishankar are part of the movement, who actually cater to the middle class, upper middle and rich Hindus by neglecting social equanimity and equality. Do we need more proof than this to say that the movement is led by an exclusive group, in which Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, Christians and Dalits have no share and no say.

Lokpal bill unfortunately envisaged by civil society is spearheaded by people of only Northern and Western part of India. This is an expression of hegemony of North and West. In the Eastern and Southern parts, Lokpal failed to be a crowd puller. Though this agitation brought in certain awareness against corruption, most of the people don't own the issue of Lokpal rather they wonder at the issue. Absolutely, nothing is heard from North East in support of Lokpal. Does it communicate, that they don’t share the issues of Delhi? Does it mean to say people from these regions are not corrupt and more reasonable?

Without actually dealing with the reasons for corruption, the present agitation considered to be the 'Second Freedom' struggle, going much against the Spirit of Freedom and Indian Constitution. As if it were not enough, an autocratic demand for another draconian law, instead of dealing with undemocratic caste system, looting of natural resources which displace and dehumanize millions of Adivasis seems that the so called civil society members in this garb trying to perpetuate hegemonic ladder styled caste system even in this globalized world. Lokpal bill if passed as law, what is the guarantee that it would eradicate Corruption. Presently, Constitution offers several checks and balances to fight corruption. If still corruption is rampant, it is not the problem with Constitution or inefficiency of laws, but rather with those who violate the laws. There is no law that can absolutely guarantee human behaviour. Even if Jan Lokpal comes as law, what is the guarantee that right people are appointed? Which Civil society appoints them, who are those members in that civil society? There is every danger of Right wing officials being infiltrated in to the Lokpal, which in turn can antagonize Dalits, Adivasis and Minorities. So, Lokpal cannot be a permanent solution for the problem of corruption.

Media, not looking into the consequences of Lokpal, just acted in to the hands of Team Anna. It didn't highlight or discuss the corruption; rather it simply covered the swelling of crowds. It never made an attempt to tell people, how remote villagers- Dalits, Adivasis, Backward Caste people and Minorities look at Jan Lokpal leave alone seeking for their consensus and support. For the last one week people have been diverted by Media from other the issues of India.

It's conspicuous for Anna Hazare to be called Second Gandhi! Why not Second Ambedkar the Father of Indian Constitution or Second Jayaprakash Narayan who after the emergency enlightened Indians through his Total Revolution? Middle Class conveniently appropriated Gandhi as their icon since he upholds conventional world view towards social inequality which in turn guarantees their hegemony and perpetuates the deep rooted caste system. When the backdrop of agitation- RSS's ‘Bharatmata’, at Ramlila grounds was critiqued, immediately was replaced with Gandhi's backdrop. Why only Gandhi's? Why not it be shared with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, crusader for social equality and chairman of the Drafting Committee of Indian Constitution,or with Jayapraksh Narayan, one man that India would never forget for his war against corruption through his “Total Revolution”. (Total Revolution, which was more honest than Jan Lokpal changed only the hand of power and also changed the hands of corruption. So, will happen with Jan Lokpal). Dr. B. R. Ambedkar is neglected to show insufficiency and ineffectiveness of Constitutional laws. So, they create a need for the Indian Constitution to be tampered. Jayapraksh Narayan is kept aside as their agitation is not really a fight-against corruption, but to postulate middle class dominance. No wonder, Anna team never even made a mention of Former Chief Ministers from South, Kamaraj Nadar and Anna Durai, for their Anti-brahmin-dravidian ideology, though they were icons of honesty and transparency. may be another sign of Northern hegemony.

Indian movie expereince manifests, Indain masses always look for messiah figures on screen and offscreen. Those figures have been mythified and venerated. There is a certiain sociological need for 'super heroes' in the lives of Indians. Often living persons are iconised and been created into mythological persons. Anna is one such example- “Anna is India and India is Anna”, a man who was never on a national scene, fighting against any serious national issues, suddenly appears and becomes a 'hero'. Danger with 'hero worship' is two sided- “assumed leadership and assumed obedience”, on one side, consensus is not sought on the other side, utter obedience make their hero “speechless”. So, Ambedkar rigtly said “Hero worship is a sure road to degradation and eventual dictatorship”.

It's also contradicting for Anna Hazare's method to be called Gandhian. If Gandhiji were to be alive, he wouldn't have demanded for yet another draconian laws to curb corruption, for he would know those laws can easily be manipulated and become futile, but would use “Truthfulness”, a weapon through which he won us Independence. Even his Gandhian method fast unto death earned him a criticism of being forceful, violent and anarchical, as he demanded the bill to be passed before before 31 of August. Lokpal is quite a complicated a bill to be passed under threat and unresonalble deadlines. All the aspects of the Bill to be discussecd with expteme care and consensus among all sections. So, a method of mass mobilasation through legal methods, method of advocay, through disccussion and lobbying can be followed.

We find this agitation led by Anna Hazare, followed by multitudes to be Political and Accusational, Pointing at Somebody as corrupt, especially pointing at Politicians, Bureaucrats and Public Servants. But, when we reflect we find ourselves also to be Corrupt. It is always said “bigger fish should be caught”, but then, there cannot be bigger fish without smaller fish. So, change is required not just in 'Somebody', but also in us. What can actually deter us from being corrupt are not just Draconian Laws, but being Truthful. Being 'Truthful', ofcourse a long journey helps us to rectify and transform ourselves towards Honesty and Transparency, this journey may result in making the powerful 'Truthful' and 'Truthful' Powerful. It is this journey that helps us vote out, if not corruption but surely the corrupt.

B. J. Shailendra S. J

Remembering a Glorious Rebel

Remembering a glorious rebel
V.R. Krishna Iyer

Was not the kingdom of god that Jesus held up but the forerunner to socialism, social justice, secularism and democracy? He was a raging egalitarian, an invisible socialist, and an economic democrat.

Jesus, born of humble parents in Bethlehem, rose as a glorious phenomenon. He became a world wonder of spiritual-temporal revolution against an imperial establishment and a corrupt priestly order. Judas Iscariot betrayed his master for a few pieces of silver. Every barbarity from those treacherous days still exists, indeed in magnified malignancy, to victimise the have-not humanity and slay the radical humanist and activist.

Lofty testament

For all of humankind, Jesus’ magnificent, yet militant, teaching was a lofty testament of egalitarian liberation from obscurantist faith, authoritarian politics, theological orthodoxy and big business freebooting. Similarly, the ring of his message constituted a de facto revolt against Roman imperialism, absolutist injustice and priest-proud godism. He stood for a higher culture marked by a sacred, sublime, compassionate ethos, and a divinity of humanity that is free from crass, class-mired materialism and gross, greedy, grabbing riches. This rare man of Nazareth resisted Jewish ecclesiastical domination, opposed discrimination among brothers and demanded, in God’s name, socio-economic justice. This is the essence of the Jesus jurisprudence of human dignity, inner divinity and fraternal obligation to help every brother in distress.

Born into a carpenter’s family, Jesus lived a sage and simple life and chose his disciples from a weaker section of society — indigent fishermen. He symbolised a revolutionary change in the theological-temporal establishment and advocated social justice and divinity, dignity and equity in the social order. Such a transformation was the truth of the kingdom of heaven, which was a challenge to the Roman Empire, the Jewish priestocracy and the arbitrary justice system that then prevailed. H.G Wells wrote: “This doctrine of the Kingdom of Heaven, which was the main teaching of Jesus, is certainly one of the most revolutionary doctrines that ever stirred and changed human thought. It is small wonder if, the world of that time [and of our time, if this writer may add] failed to grasp its full significance, and recoiled in dismay from even a half apprehension of its tremendous challenges to the established habits and institutions of mankind.”

Rare daring

Jesus, the glorious rebel, proclaimed the reality of a universal moral order. He called it the kingdom of heaven and told the people that the kingdom of god was indeed within them. He outraged the hypocrites who did their commerce inside the temples and the shrines. He drove them out with rare daring. Now, right before our eyes, our temples and churches are again centres of big business.

Jesus, to the anger of the proprietariat, resisted the commercialisation of god and the commoditisation of man. Big temples, great churches, god-men, bishops, mullahs and acharyas are a mundane part of the capitalist establishment and are anti-Jesus in spirit. India’s Constitution mandates equality, secularism and economic democracy. What a marvel it was that Jesus preached ages ago — that God was equal in granting his favours to all, as was the sun. Jesus was a raging egalitarian, an invisible socialist, an economic democrat. Proof of this lies in his parables and preaching.

In the parable of the Good Samaritan, Jesus cast scorn upon that natural tendency we all obey, to glorify our own people and to minimise the righteousness of other creeds and races. In the parable of the labourers he thrust aside the obstinate claim of the Jewish people to have a sort of first mortgage upon God. All whom God takes into the kingdom, he taught, he serves alike. There is no distinction in his treatment, because there is no measure to his bounty. There are no privileges, no rebates, and no excuses. H.G. Wells has presented these propositions in The Outline of History.

Barabbas jurisprudence

The abolition of poverty is a socialist feature of the societal structure. In order to wipe every tear of grief from every eye, you need a social transformation and an economic regeneration, a special concern for women and children, and a rage against those who rob the people’s resources. This is the majesty and humanity of true spirituality that was absent during the era of Emperor Tiberius. It was his administration and justice delivery system, presided over in the region by Pontius Pilate, which decreed, with perverse judicial power and under pressure from the priestly class and in exercise of state authority that Jesus, who argued for the kingdom of heaven, be put to the cross. When treason was the charge and the priestly order was exposed by the accused, there was terrific pressure on the Governor-judge to sentence him. The same judge set free Barabbas. Even today innocence suffers state punishment and robbery rides state power. Barabbas jurisprudence is in currency even today.

Jesus spoke for all time and all mankind when he, bed-rocked on the spiritual philosophy of the kingdom of god, told that court this truth of human rights and social justice. His advocacy of the humanist culture as the ultimate value, as against obscurantist godism, is evident from the admonition that sabbath is for man, not man for sabbath.

Advocate of unity and fraternity

Jesus advocated the unity and fraternity of humanity, like the doctrine of Advaita that Adi Sankara propagated as an upanishadic fundamental. Not only did he strike at patriotism and the bonds of family loyalty in the name of God’s universal fatherhood and the brotherhood of all mankind, his teaching condemned all the gradations of the economic system, all private wealth, and personal advantage. He said: “It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of God.”

To my mind, this glorious dimension of the kingdom of god is the forerunner to socialism, social justice, secularism and democracy. The life of Jesus was absolute simplicity, matchless humility, compassionate humanity, gender reverence and pro-poor egalite. He washed the feet of his disciples, he defined godist superstition. To share and care for your neighbour, even your enemy, were the fundamentals he taught. He was thus a pioneer of world brotherhood, who advocated freedom from dogmas and obscurantist cults. Such a universalism is the testament of Jesus. This is the Christianity to be practised daily — not the Christianity for a Sunday ritual, or for an alibi to hold the world under imperial might and big business power. Not showy charity coupled with mighty rapacity. The Buddha was a predecessor of Jesus. The Mahatma whom Churchill called “the half-naked fakir” was his successor.

Yet, Jesus if born today will meet Pilate’s justice yet again. Barabbas is in power everywhere again. Judas the pretentious disciple and arch-betrayer is a subtle and slight presence practising diplomacy — the Cross in one hand and nuke bomb in the other. The terrorist incarnation today masquerades as the ruler of the earth.

The resurrection of the world and the elimination of the sufferings and slavery of millions are desiderata for many a million honest disciples of Jesus. Even so, the finest teachings of Jesus have perished, and the world today suffers a grave decline in the values of humanism, compassion, morality and divinity. Greed, vulgarity and the collapse of the public good have been a shock and a shame, a terror and a horror.

Structural splendour

Resurrection, not in the lexical or biblical sense, but in the grand moral dimension of the term conveying the spirit of trans-material mutation, is the structural splendour of the world order. Peace, not war; stability, not subservience; high morality, not any grab-based acquisitive success, is the new ethic. Exploitation has become the rule of law, and equity and justice have become the vanishing point of international jurisprudence.

The hidden agenda after a unipolar world is the malignant methodology of insatiable accumulation of wealth. This terrible trend must be trampled under the foot by a triumphant and dynamic generation. This should be done with socialist convictions and a profound prognosis — of work, wealth and happiness for every human being. This should be the ‘developmental drama’ of the New World Order.

(The author, 93 years old, is a retired Supreme Court Judge of distinction, a former Cabinet Minister in the Kerala government, a great humanist, and a regular contributor to The Hindu.)

Nun from Kandhamal has shown us how to..

Nun from Kandhamal has shown us how to..

Seema Mustafa

It took a lot of guts for the Orissa nun to come out with her testimony. I had visited the exact spot in Kandhamar district, just days after she was raped, and the burnt jeep, the desecrated statues of Jesus Christ, the broken windows bore testimony to the gruesome violence in the name of religion. Villagers looked on from a distance but when we went and spoke to them the story came pouring out. Yes a priest and nun were caught by the mobs, they were stripped and beaten, they were paraded through the village to the market place where the police stood and watched, and yes the nun was raped.

And what has happened since? Nothing. For days and weeks the Navin Patnaik government stood by and did nothing to protect the poorest of the poor as they were killed, and turned out of their houses just because they were Christians and refused to give up their faith. The attackers speak of conversion, but there has been no forcible conversion, only conversion under Article 25 of the Indian Constitution that gives every single religion in this country the right to preach and propagate. The force was being used then, and is being used now, to beat Christians into renouncing their religion and embracing the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and RSS version of Hinduism.

The nun was not in hiding, she was in hospital, physically and mentally traumatized. She was treated for not just the bleeding wounds but also for the mental trauma, and has only just about recovered sufficiently to come out in public with her story. It took courage, and she should be respected for what she did. Not just for herself, not just for the Christians but for women and humanity. Her right to privacy has to be respected, and it is now for this UPA government that somehow still claims it is secular to ensure that she and the other victims of the horrific violence in Orissa and Karnataka must not be dragged through the coals. The nun is right, and any one who has visited Kandhamar can vouch for this. It is not safe for her to even step inside that state, let alone the district and be questioned by a police force that has done great disservice to the uniform by allowing the mobs to terrorise and brutalise a community.

Some sections of the Christian community, probably in sheer desperation, opened dialogue with the RSS and its ilk. Others criticized them, for they know that this dialogue is false insofar as the RSS and its front organizations are concerned, and its leaders use it to project themselves as one, secular and two, as alternatives to the state with the power to restore peace. Some time ago, religious Muslim leaders too opened this dialogue with the RSS and even attended BJP conferences and meetings to prove their "we are all one" point. In some ways they are, because fundamentalism regardless of the religion gets together at some point, particularly when it has to counter its real opponent: secularism.

Secularism is an ideology that works around the fundamental principle of equality and justice. It is unfortunate that those in power today cynically exploit this to suit their ends. The BJP is more honest, it does not even bother to pay lip service to the cause, and basically denounces all those who do not agree with its divide and rule policy as pseudo secularists or anti-nationals. The Congress remains as hypocritical as always, and has become an expert at fiddling while mobs destroy lives and homes. The regional parties are not exactly communal but are totally opportunistic using specific vote bank policies with more dexterity now than even the Congress did in its better days. The regional leaders do not hesitate to join up with communal parties as and when it suits them but to give them their due, the Nitish Kumars, Chandrababu Naidus and Mayawati's do manage to preserve some levels of communal amity. After all today the unrest amongst the minorities is greatest in Congress ruled states and not in Bihar, or for that matter Uttar Pradesh (except for Azamgarh that had a direct link with Delhi) where despite the large Muslim population, the atmosphere is more peaceful and harmonious.

Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil has disappeared from view. His greatest achievement has been to escape the axe after he assured Congress president Sonia Gandhi that his loyalty to her could never come under question. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is wandering the world, earning accolades for the nuclear deal and for growth gone wrong. Parliament in a parliamentary democracy has been diminished as an institution. The government is directly responsible. It has done away with the monsoon and winter sessions. It has reduced the sittings this year to just 40 days. The country is reeling under the impact of violence, inflation and a collapsing economy. But the government does not feel that there is any need for Parliament to discuss these and any number of burning issues, as it does not want to be held accountable for non governance. It does not care for either Parliament or for parliamentary democracy as under the Congress, the executive has been given the full mandate to be reckless.

India is a pluralistic state. It is any number of states and any number of peoples all rolled together under one nation, one flag and one Constitution. Its oxygen is freedom based on justice and equality. It will disintegrate and die if it is deprived of any of these, and is compelled to adopt a monolithic mantle that is totally unnatural to its existence. Fundamentalist groups insist on imposing their ideologies, their religions, their thoughts, their justice, their vision on people, even as they create the concept of the 'other' and try and unite their supporters to combat the opponents. If India has to survive and flourish as a healthy, breathing, vibrant democracy, secularism has to be protected and nurtured.

The nun from Kandhamar has shown us how. It is for us to learn the lesson.

Video of Press Statement by Victim of Rape

Saffron Missions are Missionary Religions

SAFFRON MISSIONS ARE MISSIONARY RELIGIONS

Madhu Chandra
madhu@christiancouncil.in

1.0. INTRODUCTION

This write up is to prove that the Saffron Mission is the missionary religion involved in proselytizing people from other faith to saffron faith. This is proved from the Dr. C.V. Mathew’s book “The Saffron Mission” and “Neo-Hinduism: A Missionary Religion.”

Both the books of Dr. C.V. Mathew talks on the same subject proving that the saffron mission is the missionary religion. He proves that the saffron religion’s claims to be non-missionary religion not involve in conversion is false and they involve in proselytizing others into their religious faith. Dr. C. V. Mathew in his first volume “Neo-Hinduism: A Missionary Religion” describe the saffron mission and its branches that they are missionary religion in smaller value. In his latter book “The Saffron Mission” expands what he has left from his earlier book in larger volume with more sources and wider facts and figures. In his latter volume, he has not only proven that saffron mission is missionary religion, but he also covers what are the aims and objectives of saffron mission, methods employed and the current trends and the challenges the Indian Churches are facing to tackle the saffron challenges.

It will not doubt for any one after studying the works of saffron mission that they are purely missionary religion, in supporting this C. V. Mathew refers Robson’s writing, “In 1874 Robson wrote that Hinduism was very successful in its proselytization work as it focused on the absorption of tribes and communities and not on the conversion of individuals by the efficient use of caste system.”[1]

The ideologies of saffron missions are to promote, propagate and defend the Vedic religion by converting the non-Vedic religions to the Vedic faith. All those who are brought to the Vedic faith are to make them as Aryans by imposing the Vedic faith, culture and ideology. The ideology of saffron goes much further than just promoting Vedic faith. They aim to Arynize the world and world as Aryavarta – a saffron world.

The saffron mission founders and missionaries have nurtured by the vision and dreams of Swami Dayananda Saraswati. He dreamt to make world as Aryanized and Aryavarta could be only possible by strengthening the Hinduism. His method of strengthening Hindus was first, by organizing Hindus by bringing and reviving the Vedic literature and religion, which we can see achieve in Arya Samaj and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and now known as Sangh Parivar. Secondly, Saffron missions adopted another method by establishing a World Hindu movement which we can see in Vishva Hindu Parishad and many others of RSS’s branch in United Kingdom, USA and many other countries. Third method of Saffron missions is to establish Hindunized political power, which we see in Hindu sympathized political parties like Bharatiya Janata Party and Siva Sena of Indian political parties. Fourth method which we see is the Hindunized military power. It is not safe to mention any particular group that saffron missions have established as Hindu military wing. But it can be clearly seen in the activities of Bajrang Dal, who have been illegally propagating for the cause of Vedic faith.

Wining whole India to Vedic religion through the means of political power, imposing the Vedic culture and religion to non-Vedic religions, through establishment of Hindu military will be symbol of success in Arynizing and Aryavartizing the whole universe.

2.0. SAFFRON MISSION IS THE MISSIONARY RELIGION

Dr. C.V. Mathew has proven that the saffron mission is a missionary religion in deep and wide search of literature from saffron, oriental, secular, Christian and political writings. The various branches of saffron mission beginning from Arya Samaj to contemporary saffron movement involve in spreading, expanding, and proselytizing the world to saffron faith.

In the study of Christianity’s history includes the history of its mission, expanding its faith to the world. It is true with Islam and Buddhism. Hinduism has denied its very nature of missionary but Dr. C.V. Matthew claims by quoting sources from various fields that Hinduism is a missionary religion. “An ideology of mission is present in Hinduism and this has always been an integral part of its historical development. However, in the modern period, Hinduism has become all the more zealous and aggressive in its mission on a global scale.”[1] Missionary motive of Hinduism is easily visible in the Saffron organizations in their practices and believe. Dr. C. V. Matthew has brought out in clear view of the missionary motives of saffron mission organizations. Before going further in studying some of the saffron missions, let us begin the visions, commitment and strategy of Swami Dayananda Saraswati.

2.1. Swami Dayananda Saraswati

The founder of Arya Samaj, Swami Dayananda Saraswati is the architecture of what Saffron Mission is all about today. He has been a key character in articulating what the saffron mission is all about. The branches and organization of Hindu religion has been influenced, motivated and founded upon the Saraswati’s ideology and strategy.

2.1.1. Background

Saraswati’s orginal name is known as Mulshankar, born in 1824 in Tankara town of Gujarat. He had training under the guruship of Swami Virjananda at Mathura learning the Vedic studies.

2.1.2. Commitment

Saraswati’s commitment can never be forgotten by any saffron motivated person. At the close of his Vedic training under the guruship of Swami Virjananda at Mathura in 1863. His guru wanted to get the commitment of Saraswati as dakshina of his training.

… I want from you a new kind of dakshina. Promise me that you will, as long as you live, devote everything, even give up your life, to the propagation of the books of Rishis and the Vedic Dharma. I will accept from you the fulfillment of that promise as my dakshina.[2]

On that day Dayananda Saraswati the Saffron Missionary was born. There was no other human who kept this pledge more loyally and faithfully.[3] For following two decades, Saraswati till he breathed last in 1883 at Ajmer, propagated the Vedic faith and fought against the falsehood of the Puranic faith.

His visit to Calcutta with leading men of Brahmo Samaj in 1872-73, particularly with Rajnarayan Bose sparked his life about the Hinduism by the Superiority of Hinduism which he has seen in the life of Rajnarayan Bose. Keshub Chandra Sen has also influenced Saraswati to cover his body properly, give his lectures in Hindi rather than in Sanskrit, and he learnt the socio-religious activities from Brahmo Samaj and adopted in his mission.

While he was propagating Vedic faith by preaching and proselytizing non-Vedic faith to Vedic faith, he was also totally against Christianity and Islam which he wrote in his revised version of Satyarth Prakash in 1884, “This book contains the basic teachings of Dayananda and thus of the Arya Samaj. In it one also finds Dayananda’s bitter criticisms of the major non-Vedic religions of Indian origin and two non-Indian religions, Christianity and Islam.”[4] Latter in Dr. C. V. Mathew write Saraswati’s appeal to saffron followers to hate and quite these two major non-Vedic religions from Indian soil.

2.1.3. The Regenerator of Aryavarta

Dr. C. V. Mathew in his own wording and from other source has commented Swami Dayananda Saraswati as, “Dayananda came to be known as ‘Maharishi’, ‘the Regenerator of Aryavarta’, ‘the Luther of India’, ‘the Savior of Hinduism’ and so.”[5]

Indeed Saraswati has revived the Vedic faith by defending and promoting the Vedic faith from non-Vedic faith and to the non-Vedic religion. His concept of promoting the Vedic faith is beyond a Vedic religion. His vision, mission, purpose and teaching were to aryanize the world by defending the Aryan faith and propagating the Aryan faith and race by proselytizing the non-Vedic religion. “The Arya Samajists are the Nazis of Hindustan; they anticipated Hitler by almost a century’. …It was the genius of Shri Dayananda Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaj that discovered the almost forgotten name [Aryans] of the people of Aryavarta.”[6]

2.2. Hindu Missionary Movement of Arya Samaj

Under the leadership of Swami Dayananda Saraswati, the Arya Samaj was founded on April 10, 1875 in Bombay.[7] Samaj did not get support from orthodox Hindu in the early period of the movement. However during the leadership of Swami Sharddhananda, the Samaj received great response from the Hindu community particularly through the changes of orthodox Hindus as Sanatanists. The success of Samjar in their effort to depend and promote the Vedic faith is through Suddhi and Sangathan against the missionary religions of Christianity and Islam. “They had begun to see the rationale behind the Samajists’ plea for suddhi and other reform policies and programs aimed at uplifting the untouchables.”[8]

2.2.1. Missionary Activities of Arya Samaj

Samajists carried the touch of Saraswati’s mission and countless Aryan missionaries crossed the boarder of Aryavarta and established branches of Arya Samaj to Fiji Islands, Kenya, Uganda, New Zealand and Australia.[9]

Samajist who are known as Arya missionaries wanted to convert the whole world to Vedic faith by their preaching and also by making religious conquest of men’s heart in the whole world. Dr. C. V. Mathew gives details of fast growing Arya missionaries:

There are about 5,000 Arya Samaj units in Indian and abroad, 200 provincial district councils, 300 Arya Vir Dal units, 200 Arya Kumar Sabhas, 500 colleges and high schools, 60 gurukhuls, 300 Sanskrit pathasalas, 400 pathasalas for the depressed classes, 200 orphanages, 300 printing presses, newspapers, periodicals, reading rooms and libraries, 1000 sanyasis and preachers and 20 million Aryas in the world.

2.2.1.1. Promoting Vedic Religion

Samajists believe and claim that only the Vedic faith and religion and their Vedic scripture is true and thus promote their Vedic religions to whole world. The Vedas are the source of God’s knowledge and infallible and inerrant. To acquire knowledge, one should believe and accept the Vedic teaching of Vedas. They aim to promote and propagate the Vedic faith to non-Vedic religion by proselytizing in the form of suddhi.

To promote Vedic religion mean promoting Aryan faith and its main aim and objective of the Samaj is to aryanize the world and bring whole world in to the Aryan fold by politically and religiously. Dr. C. V. Mathew has rightly commented on Dayanand, “Dayananda’s doctrine of the Vedas was more than an attempt to defend the foundational basis of Hinduism. It was a calculated strategic officense.”[10]

2.2.1.2. Defending Vedic Religion

Samajists think that all the non-Vedic religions of the world are false and only the Vedic. Samajists see Christianity and Islam as greatest enemy to Aryans. Other non-Vedic religions like Tantricism, Jainism, and Buddhism and like others are the corrupt form of Vedic religions yet they are no threat to Vedic religion.

2.2.1.3. Aryavartizing World

Saraswati loves his religion of Aryans equally he loves his country. He sees that whole human beings are of the Aryans thus aryanizing the world is bringing the humanity to the origin of Aryavarta. “The welfare of the Aryans and all humankind depends upon a “return” – a return to the original Vedic religion discarding all erroneous religious systems, and returning Indian (the Aryavarta) to the Indians (the Aryas).”[11]

2.3. Saffron Missionary Movement of Ramakrishna Mission

“The Ramakrishna Mission was founded in May 1897, in Calcutta. Its aim is to preach spirituality and to social service.”[12]

The preaching of the Vedic faith all over the world and calling people back to their original faith and this Aryanizing the entire humanity has been the mission of Saffron religion. This dream of universal mission has been largely taken up and vigorously pursued by Swami Vivekananda and the Ramakrishna Mission. Dr. C. V. Mathew correctly defines,

While the Arya Samaj devoted its energy primarily to reviving and defending the Vedic dharma as the pure form of Hinduism in India and among the Hindu expatriates abroad, the Ramakrishna Movement profitably engaged in releasing Hinduism from its traditionally and ritually defined ideological and territorial confines.[13]

2.3.1. Missionary Activities of Ramakrishna Movement

The missionary activities of Swami Vivekananda and Ramakrishna Mission purely come out from his strong conviction of pure spirituality of Hinduism. “Flooding India with spirituality and thus through India regenerating the entire world is the mission.”[14]

Swami Vivekananda labored to awaken the missionary consciousness of the Hindu and he indicated to Hindu fellow citizens that Hindu religion is always missionary religion. “Therefore, he considered himself a missionary and the Ramakrishna Movement as missionary movement.”[15]

2.3.1.1. Defending and Consolidating Hinduism

Vivekananda like Swami Dayananda defended and consolidated the Hindu religion. He consistently defended Hinduism that the morality and spirituality of west is never higher than the Vedic spirituality and thus “Vivekananda told the West that India did not need missionaries (but only scientists and technologists) and, it fact, it was the West that was in need of missionaries from India.”[16]

2.3.1.2. Expansion of Hinduism

Vivekananda’s participation in Parliament of Religions was not only unification of world religion but he consider as opportunity to preach Hinduism through its medium.

“The next contribution that Vivekananda made to Hinduism was drawing it into a clear program of aggressive mission, both national and international.”[17]

Vivekananda had world missionary vision that world is waiting the treasure that will come out of India, spirituality that the hungry nations are waiting. “Therefore we must go out, exchange our spirituality for anything they have to give us…”[18]

2.3.1.3. Reconversion

Ramakrishna Mission has high program of converting the aliens and reconverting the former Hindus. Dr. C. V. Mathew rightly writes about the Ramakrishna’s missionary activities, “Therefore it is not only right to reconvert these to their former religion, but also absolutely necessary…”[19] Vivekananda believes by reconversion the former Hindus will regain spiritually and strengthen the Hinduism.

2.4. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is one of parental body of Saffron movement founded in Nagpur in 1925 under the leadership of Dr. Keshaw Baliram Hedgewar. Dr. C. V. Mathew has commented on RSS, “It is one of the most disciplined volunteer forces in India and a major political force as well.”[20]

The dream of Swami Dayananda Saraswati to achieve the goal of Aryans, to Aryanized religion, Aryavarta, and Aryanized political, the RSS is the Aryanized religion wing of Aryans.

The ideology of RSS will be studied in a separate assignment but the activities of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh are summarized below.

2.4.1. A Call to Reform the Past

The RSS want Hindus to believe the Hinduism is the oldest and most advance form of spirituality. Therefore whole world should be under the spiritual influence of Vedic religion. It is believe among the Sangh that the spiritual influence of Vedic religion will be only possible as Dr. C. V. Mathew correctly pointed out, “It is attainable only by unlocking to the entire humanity the door of supreme happiness embedded in Hindu spirituality and culture.”[21]

Guruji M. S. Golwalkar’s vision for Sangh was not to work only in India among Hindu but to whole world, particularly in the west. Today the work of Sangh has rooted in the west and C. V. Mathew describes its expansion and growth.

During the Dr. Hedgewar Centenary celebration in Thane, Bhaskar Gadre a London based activist of the Sangh reported that the Sangh, under various names, such as Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh and Bharatiya Swayamsevak Sangh, has developed contacts in 52 countries of the world and is active in at least a dozen countries with nearly 300 centers.[22]

2.4.2. Promote Hindu Nationalism

Sangh has promoted the Hinduism by successfully welding together India and Hinduism in the form of patriotism. The patriotism has been spiritualized; motherland has become Mother Goddess, worthy to be worship.[23] All Hindus are considered deshbhakti – patriot but the non-Hindus in Indian can not be considered as the true sons of the soil. Therefore Guruji Golwalkar warned the Sangh, “It is dangerous to the security of the nation and the country. It is, therefore, necessary to put a stop of it.”[24]

To make Hindu nationalism is the chief goal of the Sangh and thus to achieve the goal of Hinduism by making world as Aryavarta. “The establishment of Hindu rashtra, or in the other words, the success of Hindu nationalism in India, will be the first step towards turning the whole world Hindu.”[25]

2.4.3. Reconvert the Former Hindus

Sangh believe the offence is the best form of defending Hinduism. The growth of non-Hindu religion is the threat to Hinduism, particularly the Christianity and Islam is considered as internal threat of the Hinduism. Therefore the Sangh has considered offending the non-Hindu faith particularly Christianity and Islam by reconverting those that have been converted to other faith. Sangh believe that the all those Christians and Muslims in India were formerly Hindus and they have been forcibly converted from Hinduism. Guruji Golwalker affirmed the Sangh, “It is our duty to call these forlorn brothers (Indian Muslims and Christians), suffering under religious slavery for centuries, back to their ancestral home.”[26]

2.5. Vishva Hindu Parishad

The dream of Swami Dayananda Saraswati to make the world as Aryan and Aryavarta, he throw the strategic input in the mind of his followers to establish Hindunized political power, Hindunized religious movement, Hindunized World religious movement and Hindunized military power. His dream is seen fulfilled in establishment of Vishva Hindu Parishad on 29 August 1964 in Bombay on the eve of Shri Krishna Janmashtami Day.

The goal Parishad is same of Sangh. The uniqueness of Parishad is that whiles all other Sangh parivar establishment emphasis within Indian Territory, the Parishad emphasis world wide by promoting and brings awareness of Hinduism to the Hindu community around globe. C. V. Mathew has correctly said, “A central organization to unite and inspire Hindus all over the world is the most urgent need of the hour.”[27]

2.5.1. The Activities of Vishva Hindu Parishad

The detail study of Vishva Hindu Parishad is carried out in a separate paper under MRSM subject yet few of its activities are studied here.

2.5.1.1. Conversion

Like Sangh, the Parishad has emphasized reconversion. C. V. Mathew gives details of reconversion program taken under the Parishad,

A special report in Sunday magazine in 1982 says that 59,000 Christians and over 4,000 Muslims in India have had Gangajal poured over them… In 1989 the Parishad claims that it “it has successfully stemmed mass conversion of Hindus and has brought about 25,00 converts of other faiths back into Hindu society during last 25 years.[28]

2.5.1.2. Convention

Another important achievement of the Parishad is in the area of holding large scale conventions in all over the world. These conventions have brought immense effect on Hinduism as C. V. Mathew writes, “These conventions have had a tremendous effect upon the Hindu psyche. They have served to boost Hindu moral.”[29]

2.5.1.3. World Wide Activities

Parishad activists tries to impress Hindus that the Hinduism has taken root in foreign soils and world has empress the Hinduism. Thus appeal to Hindus in India to alert for the dangers that can be cause by the Christianity and Islamic missionary work.[30]

2.6. Guruism of Saffron Mission

The Guruism is one of the most ancient and significant aspect of Indian religion. C. V. Mathew writes about the contribution of Gurus and Guruism to the expansion of Vedic faith, “In modern Indian religious and cultural history of gurus, as individuals, and guruism as an institution, have assumed great significance and popularity. In the emergence and expansion of the modern renascent Hinduism, charismatic gurus have played a decisive role.”[31]

The gurus of Sai Baba tradition, Guru Maharaji, Acharya Rajneesh, Swami Sivananda, Swami Narayanananda, Sir Chinmoy, Swami Chinmayananda, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, and Swami Prabhupad has influenced the cause promoting and defending Hinduism in breath and length of Indian and aboard.

3.0. AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF SAFFRON MISSION

Dayananda’s doctrine of the Vedas, Vedic religion, non-Vedic religion, and Aryans and Aryavarta, which the Arya Samaj faithfully follows, are of the significant importance to the ideology of mission in Hinduism.[32] The aim and objectives of Saffron Missions are found upon the ideology of Swami Dayananda Saraswati, adopted by others they are as follows:

3.1. Promoting Vedic Literature

It is common among all the saffron missions that the Vedic literature is the oldest and most cultured and rich sacred literature in the world. Therefore all the activists of the saffron mission have their lives for the cause of spreading the Vedic literature. C. V. Mathew comments on the ISKCON on Vedic literature, “ISKCON considers all Vedic knowledge infallible and complete.”[33] Therefore it is the goal of ISKCON to preach the Bhagavadgita, the most complete Vedic revelation. The commitment of ISKCON activists can be remember for their missionary movement and activities.[34]

3.2. Aryanization of the World

The ideology of saffron mission, one will realize after studying the movement is the deep and broad to Aryanizing the world. It is beyond bringing the faith and spiritual values of Vedic religion. It is aimed at making all non-Vedic religions as Aryans by influencing by Aryan culture and faith. C. V. Mathew has correctly quoted from other sources in his book:

The prime object of Arya Samaj is to do good to the world… The key to this altruistic mission which aims to make every one a ‘ cultured’ person (to ‘Aryanize’) is in the dissemination of the Vedic knowledge… Krinvanto visvamaryam (let us make the whole world Aryan) is, therefore, the guiding principle of expansionist ideology… Dayanand and his Samaj sowed the seeds of a world-wide Hindu mission in the modern times.[35]

3.3. Aryavartization of the World

Aryavartization of saffron mission is much more than Aryanization. In Aryanization, saffron mission aims at making every human being as Aryan. Aryavartization means to make whole universe an Aryan world by imposing Aryan culture, religion, and world ruler in power and political.

C. V. Mathew has summarized Brahmanical Hinduism, “Mission in Vedic and Brahamanical Hinduism may be summarized as ‘Aryanization’. Rig Veda. 9:63:5 reads krinvanto visvamarayam, “Let us make the whole world Aryan.”[36]

4.0. METHODS USED IN SAFFRON MISSION

C. V. Mathew has correctly pointed out the embedded methodology of saffron missions in achieving their aims and objects as writes:

He held the view that “if Indians were to emerge as modern people, they had to do so as the inheritors and the continuators of their ancient religion, (the Vedic Religion), they must one scripture (the Vedas), one language (Hindi), and one racial consciousness (being Aryan), and one territory (Aryavarta) and one supreme political authority.[37]

The method used by saffron mission can studied four different wings, revival of Hinduism, establishing the world Hindu movement, saffronized political power, and saffron military wing. These four-fold visions was given birth by Swami Dayananda to the Samajists, then adopted and nurtured by the saffron activists.

4.1. Revive the Hinduism

Gurus like Dayananda and many others of saffron consider important to revive the Hindu community if they want to survive and achieve the goal of Aryans’ to Aryanize the world. The method they used to strengthen their Hindu community first by reviving the Vedic literature and religion. To revive the Hinduism and strengthen, saffron activists adopted the methods of Suddhi and Sangathan.

4.1.1. Suddhi of Saffron Mission

The Suddhi program of Saffron missions first introduced by Swami Dayananda Saraswati, which followed by Samaj activities then followed by other saffron missionaries, is none other than reconverting Christians, Muslims and other non-Vedic religions to Vedic religion. C. V. Mathew quotes from the work of D. S. Sharma:

First, suddhi is a means to convert non-Hindus to Hinduism; second, it is a means to uplift the depressed classes and the untouchables to the level of the caste Hindus; third, it is means to reclaim or reconvert former Hindus now in Islam or Christianity; and fourth, it is neither an unorthodox nor an illegitimate means of achieving these objectives.[38]

4.1.2. Sangathan of Saffron Mission

Sangathan is the action plans of saffron to self defend from non-Vedic religions. Under the leadership of Swami Shraddananda, the Sangathan movement was established to save the dying racism of Aryans. C. V. Mathew writes about Hindu sangathan, “Hindu sangathan… stands for the consolidation of the Hindu community in order to save itself from being wiped out.”[39]

4.2. World Hindu Movement

One of the factors that lead the success of saffron mission in Indian and world is their strength and support they established from world Hindu movement. While still working the revival of Hinduism, propagating the Vedic faith to the non-Vedic religions within the Indian soil, the saffron missionaries footed their support in foreign soils. Raising the issue of Hindu cause to the universal humanity, Hindu gained the symphonic from rich and educated Hindu community around the globe.

By establishing world Hindu movement, the saffron missions like Vishva Hindu Parishad and many others could gain the money power which has strengthen the saffron mission world wide.

4.2.1. Money Power Taped

The saffron missionaries have taped the financial sources from the western countries for its missionary activities. Vishva Hindu Parishad having its international Head Office at London has played a major role for the cause of Hindu religion particularly by the money power. Recently in a local news paper in Chandigarh appeared UK charities scam linked to Sangh Parivar by Ashish Kumar Sen:

The report, “In Bad Faith? British Charity and Hindu Extremism,” produced by Awaaz, a London-based secular network, states that these charities collected donations running into millions of pounds from the British public under the guise of humanitarian causes. Most prominent among these were relief efforts to aid victims of the Orissa cyclone and the Gujarat earthquake.[40]

The report further says, “The document explains in detail how the UK based Sewa International sent £2 million raised for Gujarat earthquake relief to its Indian counterpart, Sewa Bharati. Part of the Sangh Parivar, Sewa Bharati has a well-documented agenda of expanding Hindutva networks in India.”[41]

Report mentions that other saffron organizations were also involved in raising funds:

Though not registered as a charity in the UK, Sewa International is the fund-raising arm of the registered charity HSS, the UK branch of the RSS. “It uses the charity registration number of the HSS to raise funds from British people,” the report says. Funds raised by Sewa International run into millions of pounds. The bulk of this money has allegedly been channelled to RSS front organizations in India.[42]

4.2.2. Propagate the False Information

Saffron missions and missionaries have been telling the western counter part that India is united while so much division and diversity that has caused by the Vedic culture imposed on the Indian community. Unit UN council in Durban, the world heard nothing of caste practice in India. Dalit leaders through the help of Christian leaders could take the Dalit cause and inform to the world of the caste and oppression in India. Thereafter the world heard that casteism is worse than racism which the Aryans since their invasion have created.

4.3. Saffronized Political Power

It was the dream of Swami Dayananda to establish a Hindu political power in Indian throne to achieve the goal of saffron missions. The vision he has passed on has become alive and reality after 180 years. C. V. Mathew correctly observe Dayananda’s ideology, “… he bound the religion of Indian with the land of India. He effected a marriage between religion and politics with resulted in a politicization of religion and sacralization of politics.”[43]

Bharatiya Janata Party is none other than a politicization of Hindu religion, supported by the saffron mission and supporting the Hindu cause.

Like Dayananda, Swami Chinmayananda also had similar dream. C. V. Mathew quotes:

We should manifest we are all Hindus and we are a Hindu Nation. In election this will count for every political party. Never mind for petrodollars or Christian influx of money. Overnight, we shall turn all of them when we shall feel strengthen… If 80% people will be strong all others will naturally come handfolded to us and say ‘we are also yours our grand-fathers were Hindus’ and soon turn to organize Hindus without wasting time in worrying about the help coming from abroad.[44]

5.0. CONCLUSION

One can not forget after studying the saffron mission and its growth is that the commitment and vision Swami Dayananda had for his religion and race. It was built upon his ideology through Aryan Samaj that the saffron ideologies were passed on to the saffron missionaries, gurus and activists. Dayananda’s mission was none other than missionary motive of propagating the Vedic faith and religion to the universe. It was more than preaching the Vedic religion. It was to impose the Aryan faith, culture to whole non-Aryan world. It was to establish the Aryan world the Aryavarta under the supreme control of Aryans.

In order to achieve their motives, saffron missions used the method of reviving and strengthening the Vedic faith within themselves and proselytizing the non-Vedic religions. Secondly they established world Hindu movement to impress the world and tape the money power. Thirdly they used the available political power. Aryanizing Indian will be first step of Aryanizing and Aryavartizing the world.

End Note
[1] C.V. Matthew, The Saffron Mission, Delhi, 2001, p.39.
[1] Ibid., p.4.
[2] Ibid., p.65.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid., p.67.
[5] Ibid., p.69.
[6] Ibid., p.70.
[7] Ibid., p.67.
[8] Ibid., p.69.
[9] Ibid., p.70.
[10] Ibid., p.78.
[11] Ibid., p.76.
[12] Ibid., p.117.
[13] Ibid., p.108.
[14] Ibid., p.129.
[15] Ibid.
[16] Ibid., p.131.
[17] Ibid., p.134.
[18] Ibid., p.137.
[19] Ibid., p.138.
[20] Ibid., p.178
[21] Ibid., p.194.
[22] Ibid.
[23] Ibid.
[24] Ibid., p.195.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Ibid., p.198.
[27] Ibid., p.205.
[28] Ibid., p.208.
[29] Ibid., p.212.
[30] Ibid., p.210.
[31] Ibid., p.231.
[32] Ibid., p.78.
[33] Ibid., p.240.
[34] Ibid., p.244.
[35] Ibid., p.82.
[36] Ibid., p.36.
[37] Ibid., p.77
[38] Ibid., p.93
[39] Ibid., p.100.
[40] www.tribuneindia.com, 26 February 2004
[41] Ibid.
[42] Ibid.
[43] Ibid., pp.81-82.
[44] Ibid., p.211.